HomeBlogRecidivism and Employment: Why Giving Ex-Offenders Jobs Cuts Crime

Recidivism and Employment: Why Giving Ex-Offenders Jobs Cuts Crime

Recidivism and Employment: Why Giving Ex-Offenders Jobs Cuts Crime - Scott Dylan

The Recidivism Problem

The numbers are stark. Within twelve months of release, approximately fifty percent of ex-offenders reoffend. Within three years, that figure approaches seventy percent. These aren’t small margins of difference; they’re fundamental indicators of a system that isn’t working. A person released from prison faces almost even odds of ending up back inside within a year. That’s not rehabilitation. That’s cycling.

When I started Inside Out Justice, those numbers drove me. They still do. Because buried in that statistic are millions of individual failures—people who wanted to change, who tried to change, who couldn’t find a foothold outside the criminal justice system and fell back into old patterns. Some were addicted and couldn’t access treatment. Some were released into homelessness. Some had fractured families and support networks. And a significant number—research suggests a substantial portion—couldn’t find work.

The link between employment and reoffending isn’t theoretical. It’s documented, quantifiable, and surprisingly strong. When an ex-offender secures stable employment, the probability of reoffending drops dramatically. We’re not talking about marginal improvements; we’re talking about reductions of up to fifty percent. That’s the difference between someone ending up back in prison and someone actually rebuilding a life. Employment, in other words, works.

Why Employment Matters More Than Anything Else

Employment matters because it addresses multiple reoffending drivers simultaneously. First, it provides income—genuine, legitimate income. Someone earning decent wages through employment has less reason to return to crime. Second, it structures time. Prison was structured; release is often chaotic. Employment provides routine, purpose, and daily rhythm. Third, it builds identity. A person isn’t just an ex-offender; they’re someone with a job, a skill, a contribution. That shift in self-perception matters profoundly. Fourth, employment creates social connection—people rely on you, you have relationships beyond crisis, you’re embedded in a community.

There’s also the dignity factor, which I think economists sometimes underestimate. Humans want to work. We want to contribute. The shame and isolation of being unable to find employment—of being told repeatedly that your past disqualifies you from participating in normal economic life—is corrosive. It tells people that society has written them off. It suggests that rehabilitation is a lie, that you can’t actually move past your mistakes. Employment, by contrast, signals that you’re accepted back into society. You’re trusted with responsibilities. You matter.

Beyond the individual level, employment benefits communities. Crime concentrates in particular postcodes, devastating those areas through violence, property theft, drug dealing, and the general climate of fear and disorder. When ex-offenders secure employment and don’t reoffend, those communities become safer. Families stay intact. Younger people see alternative models to criminal pathways. Economic activity increases. Schools perform better. It’s not one outcome; it’s a cascade of benefits flowing from a single intervention.

The Employer Reluctance Problem

So why don’t more employers hire ex-offenders if employment cuts recidivism so dramatically? The answer is: fear, prejudice, and rational risk assessment—sometimes all three simultaneously.

Fear is real. Employers worry about safety—that a person with a violent conviction might pose a genuine risk to colleagues or customers. Sometimes that risk is real. Sometimes it’s phantom, projecting danger onto someone who committed a single crime ten years ago under entirely different circumstances and who’s been reflective and changed substantially. Distinguishing between actual risk and stereotype is hard, and employers often err on the side of caution.

Then there’s the legal liability angle. If an employer hires someone with a conviction and that person commits a crime at work or involving customers, the employer faces potential litigation. Is that likely? Statistically, no—data suggests ex-offenders have lower crime rates at work than the general population. But likelihood isn’t the same as possibility, and employers weighing legal risk sometimes make conservative choices.

There’s also pure prejudice. Some employers simply don’t want to work with people from the criminal justice system. They view convictions as permanent marks of character. That’s more about bias than rational analysis, but it’s still an enormous barrier. A person can’ve been rehabilitated, but if an employer assumes rehabilitation is impossible, their employment status becomes immutable.

The practical challenge is that disclosure of criminal records happens at the application stage. An employer sees a criminal conviction on an application form and often stops reading. The person never gets to demonstrate competence, reliability, or change. They’re eliminated based on a piece of history that may be decades old and bears little relation to the present person.

The Ban the Box Movement

The Ban the Box campaign arose precisely from this problem. The ‘box’ is the checkbox on job application forms asking about criminal history. Ban the Box campaigns argue that this checkbox, appearing at the application stage, ensures that people with convictions are filtered out before anyone even meets them or considers whether they can actually do the job.

The ‘Ban the Box’ approach works differently. Rather than asking about criminal history at application, it asks only at the later stages—after someone’s competence and suitability for the job have been assessed. The logic is sound: if you’ve interviewed someone and you like them, you’re more likely to consider their background contextually rather than treating it as absolute disqualification. The personal connection matters. Someone’s no longer an abstract category; they’re a person who was reliable in interviews, answers questions thoughtfully, demonstrates capability. Their conviction becomes one piece of a fuller picture.

Data on Ban the Box outcomes is encouraging. UK research on Ban the Box policies shows increased employment for people with criminal records without evidence of increased risk. Employers who work through the Ban the Box process are, on balance, satisfied. The hires work out. The predicted catastrophes don’t happen. The reason is simple: most ex-offenders actually want to work, and most are actually reliable. The criminals you see in newspapers are exceptions, not the rule. Most people have served their sentences because they want to move forward. Give them the chance, and they take it.

Tax Incentives and Employer Support

Recidivism and Employment: Why Giving Ex-Offenders Jobs Cuts Crime - Scott Dylan

Government could remove more barriers through financial incentives. Tax breaks for employers hiring people from the criminal justice system exist in some countries and should be part of the UK toolkit. The logic is sound: society benefits enormously when someone doesn’t reoffend—reduced prison costs, reduced crime, increased productivity. Some of that benefit should translate into support for the employers taking the risk.

Beyond tax incentives, there’s the need for better employment support services. Many ex-offenders face barriers beyond discrimination: they lack recent work experience, their skills are outdated, they struggle with interview confidence, their mental health is fragile. Specialist employment services that understand criminal justice contexts can bridge these gaps. Services that coach people on how to present themselves, that prepare them for questions about their record, that offer ongoing support once employed—these make genuine differences.

I’ve employed people from the criminal justice system through my businesses. What I’ve learned is that with proper screening, support, and mentoring, ex-offenders are reliable, committed employees. They’re often more grateful for opportunity, more determined to succeed, more willing to show up. They’ve hit bottom; they understand stakes. That doesn’t make them perfect employees, but it makes them good ones. And the ROI is straightforward: lower recidivism means society doesn’t have to cycle them back through prison.

Success Stories Matter

One of my favourite parts of being an employer who believes in second chances is witnessing transformations. I’ve watched people start in entry-level roles, develop skills, take on responsibility, and build careers. I’ve seen people who were written off by the system become dependable, valuable parts of the organisation. Their productivity has been good. Their reliability has been better. But more than that, they’ve regained sense of purpose and identity. That matters beyond business metrics.

Success stories are powerful tools for changing employer attitudes. When employers see that it works, when they experience hiring ex-offenders as positive, they become champions of the practice. Word spreads. Peer pressure toward hiring people with convictions increases. What starts as a risky novelty becomes normal practice. We need more of these stories, more employers willing to take a chance, and more public visibility around successes. The media loves crime stories; they should equally celebrate rehabilitation stories.

The Rehabilitation of Offenders Act and Beyond

The UK’s Rehabilitation of Offenders Act (1974) was pioneering in its time—the recognition that people should be able to move past convictions after a certain period and apply for jobs without disclosing historical offences. The Act acknowledged rehabilitation as real. But decades later, the Act’s protections are more theoretical than practical. Disclosure timescales remain long, exceptions are numerous, and many employers ask about convictions regardless of the Act’s provisions.

What we need now is modernisation of rehabilitation frameworks. Shorter rehabilitation periods for lower-level offences. Greater legal protection for people who don’t disclose historical convictions when legally entitled not to. Clearer guidance for employers on what convictions are actually relevant to particular roles—not all ex-offenders pose risks to all jobs. A shoplifting conviction twenty years ago is irrelevant to most employment. A historical drink-driving conviction is irrelevant to jobs that don’t involve driving. Better differentiation between genuine risk and categorical exclusion could open significant employment opportunities.

Release on Temporary Licence (ROTL) and Prison Employment

There’s also an interesting opportunity within the prison system itself. Release on Temporary Licence (ROTL) schemes allow prisoners to work in the community while still serving sentences. Done well, ROTL is transformative. A person gets genuine work experience, builds employment relationships, develops references, and returns to full release with employment already in place. The transition from prison to freedom becomes less chaotic. They’re not starting from zero; they’re continuing something.

But ROTL schemes are inconsistent across the prison estate. Some prisons excel at building employment partnerships; others see ROTL as administrative burden. More investment in ROTL, better links between prisons and employers, and clearer pathways from temporary to permanent employment could change trajectories for thousands of people. It’s not glamorous work. It doesn’t make headlines. But it’s exactly the kind of systemic intervention that moves the needle on recidivism.

Inside Out Justice and the Bigger Picture

Through Inside Out Justice, I push for policies that treat employment as central to rehabilitation, not peripheral. Because the data is unambiguous: employment works. It’s not the only thing—housing, mental health treatment, addiction support, and stable relationships all matter. But employment is distinctive because it simultaneously addresses need for income, provides structure and identity, and signals social reacceptance. It’s efficient. It’s cost-effective. It delivers extraordinary ROI in terms of crime reduction.

What concerns me is how little this knowledge actually shapes policy. We fund extensive rehabilitation programmes, therapy, skills training—all valuable, none sufficient without employment outcomes. Yet employment support often gets minimal investment. We set up elaborate systems to monitor people post-release but don’t ensure they have the most powerful recidivism prevention available: a job. That’s a policy failure of the first order.

The Economic Argument

Let me put this in cold economic terms. A single year in prison costs approximately £40,000 per person. The average sentence is multiple years. Over a criminal career with multiple imprisonments, society invests tens, sometimes hundreds of thousands of pounds in custody. In contrast, the cost of employment support—job coaching, skill development, placement services—is minimal. Perhaps £5,000 to £10,000 per person. Even if that employment support has only a fifty percent success rate (which is conservative), you’re preventing imprisonment that would’ve cost £40,000, at an investment of £5,000 to £10,000. The ROI is extraordinary.

Then add crime reduction benefits. Crime victimises people. It costs resources to police, prosecute, and adjudicate. Each crime prevented saves both human suffering and public resources. An ex-offender who doesn’t reoffend prevents not just their own reimprisonment but also victimisation of other people. The social benefit far exceeds the private benefit to the individual.

What Needs to Change

If we’re serious about reducing reoffending and crime, several things need to happen. First, employment support services need proper funding. Not as nice-to-have, but as core to rehabilitation. Second, Ban the Box policies need wider adoption by both government and private sector. Removing the barrier of automatic disqualification opens opportunities. Third, employers need incentives and support to hire ex-offenders—tax breaks, mentoring resources, consultation on risk assessment. Fourth, the Rehabilitation of Offenders Act needs updating to better protect people moving past convictions. Fifth, ROTL schemes need expansion and excellence. Sixth, there needs to be honest conversation with employers about risk, combined with data showing that ex-offenders generally pose lower risk than perceived.

Finally, and perhaps most importantly, there needs to be cultural shift. Society needs to believe in rehabilitation. We need to treat convictions as things people can move past, not permanent character judgements. That shift enables everything else. Employment becomes possible when employers believe it’s possible. People become motivated to change when society signals that change is actually achievable. Right now, we often tell people they’re rehabilitated while simultaneously ensuring they have no path to employment. That’s not rehabilitation; that’s cruel fiction.

The evidence is clear: employment cuts recidivism. Employment works. The question isn’t whether we should prioritise it; it’s whether we actually will.


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Scott Dylan